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GI-ESCR at the 5th Session of the UN Tax Convention Negotiations

GI-ESCR at the 5th Session of the UN Tax Convention Negotiations

The fifth session of negotiations for a United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation opened in New York on 3 August 2026 with an immediate reminder that the legitimacy of the future international tax system will depend not only on the rules States adopt, but also on who is allowed into the room to shape them. 

Before substantive negotiations began, Türkiye opposed the participation of the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), an organisation with a history spanning more than three decades and a key role in the human rights movement in Africa. It raised allegations concerning the organisation’s financial conduct and urged other States to vote against its inclusion. China and Bangladesh joined Türkiye in voting against the organisation’s participation. 

Fortunately, an overwhelming majority of States rejected this attempt, with more than 40 delegations voting to allow KHRC to participate. Ireland expressly defended inclusive, multistakeholder engagement and the inclusion of non-governmental organisations. 

The outcome was welcomed. The precedent, however, remains deeply troubling. It is not the first time that States have voted against the participation of individual NGOs in this space.  

Civil society participation in negotiations concerning a global tax convention should not depend on whether individual States are willing to tolerate organisations that may scrutinise their conduct. Nor should participation be vulnerable to allegations raised from the floor, without a transparent and consistent process for assessing them. Any objection to the accreditation of a civil society organisation must be handled through fair procedures that protect organisations from arbitrary or politically motivated exclusion. 

Far from being an isolated incident, this episode illustrates a broader structural trend towards limiting participation in the new tax regime. In the current zero draft, articles 13 and 14 establish the future Conference of the States Parties and its subsidiary bodies but contain no guarantees for the participation of civil society, affected communities, trade unions, researchers or other relevant stakeholders. 

This is a significant omission. The Convention is intended to create an evolving framework, with many of its rules, implementation mechanisms and future protocols to be developed after its adoption. Unless meaningful participation is protected in the Convention itself, access to future meetings may be left entirely to rules of procedure negotiated later by States. 

Civil society must be able to do more than observe from the back of the room. The Convention should guarantee timely access to information and negotiating documents, opportunities to submit written contributions, the ability to intervene in meetings, participation in subsidiary bodies and consultations, and transparent procedures for organising side events and contributing technical expertise. 

These safeguards should apply not only during the present negotiations, but throughout the future life of the Convention. 

 

A New Framework or a Vehicle for Preserving the Status Quo? 

The first substantive debate concerned the objectives and principles contained in Articles 1 and 2. A recurring dividing line emerged over whether the Convention should establish a genuinely new and equitable framework or merely complement the international tax architecture that already exists. 

Several delegations, led largely but not exclusively by countries from the Global North, called for explicit language requiring consistency, complementarity or synergies with existing tax instruments and institutions. 

The European Union, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Austria, Japan, Italy and others warned against duplication, parallel rules and legal uncertainty. 

Legal coherence and predictability are legitimate concerns. However, avoiding duplication cannot become a euphemism for insulating existing institutions and standards from democratic scrutiny or substantive reform. 

The present international tax architecture was developed through forums in which many developing countries did not participate on an equal footing. It has also failed to prevent most countries from losing approximately USD 492 billion every year to cross-border tax abuse. 

These are resources that could otherwise support public health systems, education, social protection, climate action and other economic, social and cultural rights. 

States have an obligation to mobilise and use the maximum of their available resources for the realisation of economic, social and cultural rights. International tax rules are therefore not simply a technical matter. They directly affect whether governments can finance the public services and institutions required to fulfil those obligations. 

A UN Tax Convention will not fulfil its mandate if it simply incorporates standards developed elsewhere or limits itself to identifying gaps left by existing initiatives. 

Its transformative potential lies precisely in enabling all States to negotiate international tax rules on an equal footing and to reconsider arrangements that have produced unequal taxing rights and persistent revenue losses. 

This point was strongly articulated by Kenya, which emphasised that the mandate is to establish a new framework, rather than simply complement what already exists. Kenya also noted that existing arrangements have not been equitable, particularly for developing countries. 

Brazil similarly warned that inserting references to other forums into the Convention’s objectives could place the UN process in a subordinate role. Tanzania stressed that the mandate is not to mirror existing instruments but to develop a new framework, while Algeria noted that current agreements are imperfect and must be reviewed, improved and updated. 

The African Group, India and several other delegations also argued that questions concerning the relationship between the Convention and existing instruments should be addressed in the article specifically dedicated to that issue, rather than being inserted into the Convention’s objectives and principles. 

 

Why Article 21 Is Significant 

This makes the defence of the current Article 21 especially important. 

As presently conceived, Article 21 would create a legal duty for States Parties to work progressively towards adapting their existing international tax agreements to the Convention. 

It would not automatically invalidate or override bilateral treaties. Nor would it impose immediate and unpredictable changes. Its implementation would instead take place gradually, including through subsequent decisions and processes under the Conference of the States Parties. 

This is precisely what can provide legal certainty and predictability: a common direction of travel combined with progressive implementation. 

Removing or weakening this obligation would risk leaving the Convention disconnected from the dense network of existing tax treaties through which taxing rights are currently allocated. 

A framework convention must be capable of evolving, but evolution requires a legal bridge between its new principles and the rules already in force. Article 21 provides that bridge. 

 

Human Rights and Sustainable Development Enter the Debate 

The afternoon discussion offered some encouraging signs. 

  • Brazil called for stronger references to human rights, gender, race and progressive taxation, as well as a mechanism for periodic review by the Conference of the States Parties. 
  • Mexico supported the inclusion of human rights and explicit economic, social and cultural rights priorities. 
  • Jamaica highlighted the environmental pillar of sustainable development and referred to common but differentiated responsibilities and the International Court of Justice’s climate advisory opinion. 
  • Norway and the United Kingdom also supported strengthening the draft’s human rights and environmental dimensions. 

These interventions underscore what is at stake. 

International tax cooperation is not an isolated technical exercise. Decisions about taxing rights, illicit financial flows and corporate tax avoidance determine whether States possess the resources required to meet their human rights obligations and respond to the climate emergency. 

The opening day therefore revealed two interconnected battles that will shape the Convention’s future: 

  1. Whether the UN process will be genuinely open to civil society and to those affected by international tax rules. 
  2. Whether the Convention will transform an unequal international tax architecture or be confined by the standards and institutions it was created to improve. 

On Day 1, civil society’s presence in the room was successfully defended. The task now is to ensure that such participation becomes a permanent right and that the Convention retains the ambition necessary to deliver meaningful change. 

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Climate and Environmental Justice

We have advanced rights-based and gender-transformative transition frameworks through research that centres the lived experiences of women and marginalised communities on the frontlines of extractive energy policies, promoting climate and energy frameworks attentive to the social and care-related impacts of transition pathways. We have developed a clear vision for a gender-just transition, firmly rooted in gender and human rights norms, establishing both the legal basis and the direction for the transformative changes our planet and societies urgently need. In particular, the ‘Guiding Principles for Gender Equality and Human Rights in the Energy Transition’, a collective effort built through online consultations, an in-person workshop and multiple rounds of revision with activists, practitioners and experts from around the world, outline a transformative vision for reshaping global energy systems through a human rights and gender equality lens.

Our work recognises that the climate emergency is both an existential threat and an opportunity to reimagine societies built on social, gender, economic and environmental justice. We ground our advocacy in feminist and intersectional principles, prioritising the agency and perspectives of communities in the Global South who have contributed the least to the climate emergency yet face its most devastating consequences. Central to our approach is the understanding that energy is not merely a commodity but a fundamental human right; essential for dignity, health, education, work and the realisation of countless other rights. We challenge approaches to the energy transition that risk replicating the harmful patterns of fossil fuel extraction and, instead, advocate for transformative policies that ensure human rights and gender equality as central to building climate-resilient societies rooted in dignity, justice and planetary well-being.

What's next?

We will continue to challenge approaches that treat energy transition as merely a technical shift, instead positioning it as an opportunity to reimagine economies and societies rooted in dignity for all, with particular attention to communities in the Global South who have contributed least to the climate emergency yet are most exposed to its worst effects.

We will connect community-level evidence and the lived experiences of those on the frontlines of extractive policies to national reform and global norm-setting, breaking down silos between human rights, gender, and climate movements, and advancing a shared vision that recognises just transitions as not only fundamental to achieving climate-resilient and sustainable societies, but as transformative pathways that advance social and gender equality, redistribute power and resources equitably, and ensure that energy systems serve the public good rather than profit.

We will mainstream rights-based and genderjust transition priorities in key multilateral spaces (particularly, within the Just Transition Work Programme and the to-be-developed Just Transition Mechanism, within the UNFCCC) to guarantee that just transitions are advanced at all levels.

We will also translate our work, through strategic advocacy, into at least two concrete policy wins, whether promoted, adopted, implemented, or scaled, in priority countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, South Africa, or Kenya), ensuring these policies align with human rights standards, centre gender equality, and reflect the needs and views of affected communities.

We will build momentum for the progressive recognition of the right to sustainable energy to shift dominant narratives away from purely extractive solutions that sideline gendered impacts, community participation, and Global South perspectives.

Economic Justice and Climate Finance

Our work has transformed the global discussion on fiscal policy in a more just, emancipatory and sustainable direction. Our approach has combined both high-level, expert contributions within decisionmaking circles, with bold, impactful work on narrative change with the general public.

We have been instrumental in the inclusion of human rights as a guiding principle of the future United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, a multilateral instrument with the potential of raising approx. USD 492 billion per year in public revenues currently foregone to global tax abuse. In the process leading to the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ decided at FfD4, we proposed and succeeded in creating a specific human rights workstream within the Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism, which was critical to ensure that explicit commitments on the matter were included in the negotiating outcome. In a context of cutbacks in multilateral institutions, we have amplified the capacities of technical experts, providing rigorous technical support and leveraging our influence to ensure the enactments of groundbreaking standard-setting instruments, such as the 2025 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Statement on Fiscal Policy and Human Rights, and the first ex oficio hearing on the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights on Fiscal and Economic Policies to Address Poverty and Structural Inequality, leading to an upcoming thematic resolution on the matter. We have also bridged the silos between multilateral tax discussions and climate finance debates, promoting ambitious financing commitments to increase international and domestic resource mobilisation during COP 28, 29 and 30.

At the regional level, our engagement with fiscal cooperation platforms such as the Platform for Fiscal Cooperation of Latin America and the Caribbean (PTLAC), where we are member of its Civil Society Consultative Council, and the African Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker, for which we participated in the pilot mission in Ivory Coast together with Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), have been critical in cementing a growing engagement between tax administrations and ministries of finance with international legal experts, exploring actionable and transformative initiatives, such as the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, beneficial ownership registries and corporate countryby-country reports, to be implemented at the international level.

At the local level, our interventions in fiscal reform debates in Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Nigeria have contributed to shaping legislative outcomes in a more progressive, rights-compliant direction.

As for our leadership in narrative change, we have a measurable track record in delivering tailored, innovative campaigns which have decisively expanded economic justice constituencies by appealing to a broader tent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we created the ‘Date Cuenta’ campaign, coordinating over 40 organisations across civil society to deliver plain language, innovative messaging connecting progressive fiscal reforms to the financing of health, education and social protection. ‘Date Cuenta’ generated over 55 original campaign messages that were tailored to the realities of seven priority countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Honduras) and disseminated in Spanish, Portuguese and English. In doing so, we convened more than 65 online co-creation workshops with partners, coordinating a unified communications strategy which combined digital outreach, press and media coverage, and collaboration with influencers. Ultimately, ‘Date Cuenta’ resulted in more than 60,000 interactions on social media, coverage in major regional and international media outlets, including El País, Deutsche Welle, Bloomberg and France 24, and the participation of at least 63 social media influencers through 58 dedicated publications. In collaboration with Fundación Gabo and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, we also organised a two-day workshop in Bogota with 20 journalists from 13 countries, building a regional network trained in a human rights-based approach to fiscal policy that has since generated published media coverage on outlets such as La Diaria, Ciper, El Diario Ar and Milenio. Through ‘Date Cuenta’ and our regional advocacy, we strengthened civil society engagement in key processes, including the Financing for Development track and FfD4, co-organised highlevel dialogues with states and civil society from Latin America and Africa.

What's next?

We will shape the UN Tax Convention and its Protocols so they embed human rights principles, and we will stay engaged through follow-up processes (including the expected Conference of the Parties) to support effective implementation. We will keep linking tax and climate finance so that new resources mobilised through fiscal cooperation are channelled to adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage, in line with UNFCCC commitments.

Public Services for Care Societies

We have translated participatory research into accountability and policy outcomes.

In Ivory Coast, our work with Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains and affected communities since 2023 exposed how privatisation and lack of accountability restrict access to quality healthcare. It contributed to the closure of 1,022 illegal private health centres, an executive instrument strengthening the regulation of private hospitals across the country, and the creation of a permanent complaints management committee in healthcare through a bylaw issued by the prefect of Gagnoa. Partners engaged through this process also advanced concrete improvements at facility level: members of the Gagnoa Midwives Association who took part in the participatory action research pooled resources to renovate the neonatal unit of the Regional Hospital, and the Director of the Gagnoa General Hospital launched an action plan to expand services and improve patient reception, with the facility receiving the award for best hospital in the country in 2025.

In Kenya, our research with the Mathare Education Taskforce documented the absence of public schools and the expansion of private provision, evidencing impacts on households and caregivers and strengthening demands for free, quality public education. This work contributed to stronger community agency and collective organisation, alongside ongoing strategies ranging from communications to litigation to secure a public school in the area, some involving GI-ESCR and others led independently.

Across Africa, this work is complemented by a multi-country study examining the human rights implications of austerity in education and health, including how regressive fiscal policies, rising debt burdens and persistent underinvestment undermine the financing and delivery of public services.

In Latin America, from 29 November to 2 December 2021, over a thousand representatives from over one hundred countries, from grassroots movements, advocacy, human rights, and development organisations, feminist movements, trade unions, and other civil society organisations, met in Santiago, Chile, and virtually, to discuss the critical role of public services for our future. Following the meeting, the Santiago Declaration on Public Services was adopted to demand universal access to quality, gender-transformative and equitable public services as the foundation of a fair and just society.

We are currently advancing work on care systems, linking public services and fiscal justice through integrated research, advocacy and communications, including a regional campaign framing care as a collective responsibility requiring sustained public investment.

What's next?

In Ivory Coast, we will evaluate and strengthen the complaints management committee and position it as a replicable model for other health facilities. In Kenya, we will support the Mathare community to co-design a model public school for Mabatini and Ngei wards, grounded in human rights standards. Building on our multi-country austerity study, we will drive national advocacy on financing for education and health: advancing reforms in Ghana; launching a fiscal policy and public services financing agenda in Kenya through the CESCR process and targeted coalition work; and, in Nigeria, using the new tax acts in force since 1 January 2026 to catalyse a national accountability campaign for adequately funded, quality public services. In Latin America, we will amplify locally led care pilots across 8 countries and turn lessons into influence—advancing care policies that strengthen care organisations, protect care workers’ rights, support unpaid caregivers, include disability and family networks, and redistribute care more equitably.