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Who Will Shape the UN Tax Convention? Governance, Participation and the Law Behind the Rules

Who Will Shape the UN Tax Convention? Governance, Participation and the Law Behind the Rules

Ezequiel Steuermann
Programme Officer - Economic Justice and Climate Finance
Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (GI-ESCR)

Patrick Orr
Economic Policy Officer
Public Services International (PSI)

Séverine Picard
Coordinator
Network of Trade Unions for Tax Justice (NUTJ)

 

As negotiations on a United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation move forward, public attention understandably remains focused on the substantive tax rules that may eventually emerge. But the institutions created around those rules may prove just as important.

On 3 August, Public Services International (PSI) and the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (GI-ESCR) convened an informal roundtable discussion on institutional design, implementation, and future negotiation processes with government negotiators from different regions, trade unions, civil society organizations and technical experts.

As the discussion was held under the Chatham House Rule, these reflections bring together the main themes discussed, without attributing views to individual participants.

The conversation ranged widely: the powers of the future governing body, the role of subsidiary bodies, the relationship between the Framework Convention and its protocols, the resources required for implementation, the participation of civil society and the legal character of future decisions.

Yet a common concern ran through much of the discussion: the Convention will only be as inclusive, effective and legitimate as the institutions created to implement it.


Governance Is Not Separate from Substance


Governance provisions can appear technical, but in practice they determine where authority will sit after the Convention is adopted.

The discussion highlighted a genuine dilemma. A framework convention must remain flexible enough to evolve, but leaving too much unresolved can transfer major political choices to institutions whose powers and accountability have not yet been clearly defined.

Participants differed over how much authority the future Conference of the Parties should have. Some were uneasy about giving it broad powers that could bypass national parliaments; others regarded an inclusive Conference as the most democratic forum for future decisions. Its role will also depend on how much detail the Convention itself contains.

More operational matters, such as accreditation deadlines, speaking order, document circulation and other administrative procedures, can be developed later through rules of procedure. But participants also discussed whether decisions should be made by consensus or majority vote, and whether voting on a protocol should be limited to States that have ratified it.


Participation Is Part of the Convention’s Knowledge Infrastructure


One of the strongest messages emerging from the discussion was that participation should not be reduced to a question of who is physically allowed into a meeting.

This is why transparency and participation belong at the center of the governance debate. Civil society organizations, trade unions, researchers, journalists and organizations representing affected communities bring independent research, technical expertise and evidence of how tax policies affect workers, inequality, public services and human rights.

Meaningful participation should therefore include more than attendance at plenary sessions. It should encompass access to non-confidential documents, written and oral contributions, and opportunities to provide evidence to subsidiary bodies and technical working groups. Although draft Article 13 recognises stakeholder participation in the work of the Conference of the States Parties, participants considered that stronger guarantees will be needed to ensure this engagement remains meaningful throughout the Convention’s implementation.

The current draft Convention creates subsidiary bodies and technical working groups but does not secure the external engagement discussed during the roundtable. This gap could leave key union demands, including public country-by-country reporting and formulary apportionment, unresolved. Unions need an ongoing role in the review and implementation of countries’ commitments, as they can provide a unique perspective on the dynamic effects of multilateral tax decisions on workers, wages, employment and public services, while helping to ensure outstanding issues can be addressed through future protocols.

A minimum participation guarantee should be included in the Convention itself, while leaving practical details to future rules of procedure. Non-State actors would not have voting rights or formal decision-making authority, which would remain with States Parties. GI-ESCR has developed detailed comparative research on stakeholder participation across international treaty regimes, together with draft treaty language proposing amendments to Articles 13 and 14 of the UN Tax Convention.


International-Law Expertise Can No Longer Remain Peripheral


International tax negotiations have historically been driven by tax specialists, whose expertise remains indispensable. The UN Tax Convention, however, is a multilateral treaty with implications that extend well beyond technical tax policy.

Negotiators are therefore making choices about delegated powers, the legal effect of decisions, State consent, dispute settlement and the relationship between the Convention and its protocols.

Delegations and civil society should draw more systematically on public international law, treaty and human rights expertise, so that important legal consequences receive proper scrutiny.


Institutional Equality Requires Resources


Formal equality among States will mean little if only some governments can participate effectively. Developing-country administrations may lack staff, databases, legal expertise and resources, while the Secretariat itself will require sufficient and predictable funding.

A genuinely inclusive convention will require support for developing-country participation and the technical and legal capacity needed to implement it.


Moving Tax Cooperation to the UN Is Not Enough


The move toward a UN tax convention is historically important. But a change of venue does not automatically produce a change in power: a UN institution can still reproduce opacity, unequal access to expertise and closed decision-making.

Avoiding that outcome will require deliberate choices. The future Convention should guarantee meaningful participation, transparency and public accountability, and be capable of receiving independent evidence from workers and affected communities.

Workers and their communities pay twice when tax systems fail: first when corporate  income and wealth are distributed unfairly between labour and capital, and again when lost public revenue weakens essential public services. The future international tax architecture should therefore be judged not only by the revenue it helps mobilize, but by whether it makes tax policymaking more transparent, gives States greater capacity to act in the public interest and supports human rights.


The Institutional Choices Made Now Will Shape the Convention’s Future


The most resilient framework will combine clear legal and institutional safeguards with enough flexibility to evolve. The promise of the UN Tax Convention will be tested not only in the obligations written into the treaty, but in who can shape, interpret and hold accountable the institutions that bring them to life.

 

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We have advanced rights-based and gender-transformative transition frameworks through research that centres the lived experiences of women and marginalised communities on the frontlines of extractive energy policies, promoting climate and energy frameworks attentive to the social and care-related impacts of transition pathways. We have developed a clear vision for a gender-just transition, firmly rooted in gender and human rights norms, establishing both the legal basis and the direction for the transformative changes our planet and societies urgently need. In particular, the ‘Guiding Principles for Gender Equality and Human Rights in the Energy Transition’, a collective effort built through online consultations, an in-person workshop and multiple rounds of revision with activists, practitioners and experts from around the world, outline a transformative vision for reshaping global energy systems through a human rights and gender equality lens.

Our work recognises that the climate emergency is both an existential threat and an opportunity to reimagine societies built on social, gender, economic and environmental justice. We ground our advocacy in feminist and intersectional principles, prioritising the agency and perspectives of communities in the Global South who have contributed the least to the climate emergency yet face its most devastating consequences. Central to our approach is the understanding that energy is not merely a commodity but a fundamental human right; essential for dignity, health, education, work and the realisation of countless other rights. We challenge approaches to the energy transition that risk replicating the harmful patterns of fossil fuel extraction and, instead, advocate for transformative policies that ensure human rights and gender equality as central to building climate-resilient societies rooted in dignity, justice and planetary well-being.

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We will continue to challenge approaches that treat energy transition as merely a technical shift, instead positioning it as an opportunity to reimagine economies and societies rooted in dignity for all, with particular attention to communities in the Global South who have contributed least to the climate emergency yet are most exposed to its worst effects.

We will connect community-level evidence and the lived experiences of those on the frontlines of extractive policies to national reform and global norm-setting, breaking down silos between human rights, gender, and climate movements, and advancing a shared vision that recognises just transitions as not only fundamental to achieving climate-resilient and sustainable societies, but as transformative pathways that advance social and gender equality, redistribute power and resources equitably, and ensure that energy systems serve the public good rather than profit.

We will mainstream rights-based and genderjust transition priorities in key multilateral spaces (particularly, within the Just Transition Work Programme and the to-be-developed Just Transition Mechanism, within the UNFCCC) to guarantee that just transitions are advanced at all levels.

We will also translate our work, through strategic advocacy, into at least two concrete policy wins, whether promoted, adopted, implemented, or scaled, in priority countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, South Africa, or Kenya), ensuring these policies align with human rights standards, centre gender equality, and reflect the needs and views of affected communities.

We will build momentum for the progressive recognition of the right to sustainable energy to shift dominant narratives away from purely extractive solutions that sideline gendered impacts, community participation, and Global South perspectives.

Economic Justice and Climate Finance

Our work has transformed the global discussion on fiscal policy in a more just, emancipatory and sustainable direction. Our approach has combined both high-level, expert contributions within decisionmaking circles, with bold, impactful work on narrative change with the general public.

We have been instrumental in the inclusion of human rights as a guiding principle of the future United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, a multilateral instrument with the potential of raising approx. USD 492 billion per year in public revenues currently foregone to global tax abuse. In the process leading to the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ decided at FfD4, we proposed and succeeded in creating a specific human rights workstream within the Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism, which was critical to ensure that explicit commitments on the matter were included in the negotiating outcome. In a context of cutbacks in multilateral institutions, we have amplified the capacities of technical experts, providing rigorous technical support and leveraging our influence to ensure the enactments of groundbreaking standard-setting instruments, such as the 2025 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Statement on Fiscal Policy and Human Rights, and the first ex oficio hearing on the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights on Fiscal and Economic Policies to Address Poverty and Structural Inequality, leading to an upcoming thematic resolution on the matter. We have also bridged the silos between multilateral tax discussions and climate finance debates, promoting ambitious financing commitments to increase international and domestic resource mobilisation during COP 28, 29 and 30.

At the regional level, our engagement with fiscal cooperation platforms such as the Platform for Fiscal Cooperation of Latin America and the Caribbean (PTLAC), where we are member of its Civil Society Consultative Council, and the African Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker, for which we participated in the pilot mission in Ivory Coast together with Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), have been critical in cementing a growing engagement between tax administrations and ministries of finance with international legal experts, exploring actionable and transformative initiatives, such as the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, beneficial ownership registries and corporate countryby-country reports, to be implemented at the international level.

At the local level, our interventions in fiscal reform debates in Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Nigeria have contributed to shaping legislative outcomes in a more progressive, rights-compliant direction.

As for our leadership in narrative change, we have a measurable track record in delivering tailored, innovative campaigns which have decisively expanded economic justice constituencies by appealing to a broader tent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we created the ‘Date Cuenta’ campaign, coordinating over 40 organisations across civil society to deliver plain language, innovative messaging connecting progressive fiscal reforms to the financing of health, education and social protection. ‘Date Cuenta’ generated over 55 original campaign messages that were tailored to the realities of seven priority countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Honduras) and disseminated in Spanish, Portuguese and English. In doing so, we convened more than 65 online co-creation workshops with partners, coordinating a unified communications strategy which combined digital outreach, press and media coverage, and collaboration with influencers. Ultimately, ‘Date Cuenta’ resulted in more than 60,000 interactions on social media, coverage in major regional and international media outlets, including El País, Deutsche Welle, Bloomberg and France 24, and the participation of at least 63 social media influencers through 58 dedicated publications. In collaboration with Fundación Gabo and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, we also organised a two-day workshop in Bogota with 20 journalists from 13 countries, building a regional network trained in a human rights-based approach to fiscal policy that has since generated published media coverage on outlets such as La Diaria, Ciper, El Diario Ar and Milenio. Through ‘Date Cuenta’ and our regional advocacy, we strengthened civil society engagement in key processes, including the Financing for Development track and FfD4, co-organised highlevel dialogues with states and civil society from Latin America and Africa.

What's next?

We will shape the UN Tax Convention and its Protocols so they embed human rights principles, and we will stay engaged through follow-up processes (including the expected Conference of the Parties) to support effective implementation. We will keep linking tax and climate finance so that new resources mobilised through fiscal cooperation are channelled to adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage, in line with UNFCCC commitments.

Public Services for Care Societies

We have translated participatory research into accountability and policy outcomes.

In Ivory Coast, our work with Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains and affected communities since 2023 exposed how privatisation and lack of accountability restrict access to quality healthcare. It contributed to the closure of 1,022 illegal private health centres, an executive instrument strengthening the regulation of private hospitals across the country, and the creation of a permanent complaints management committee in healthcare through a bylaw issued by the prefect of Gagnoa. Partners engaged through this process also advanced concrete improvements at facility level: members of the Gagnoa Midwives Association who took part in the participatory action research pooled resources to renovate the neonatal unit of the Regional Hospital, and the Director of the Gagnoa General Hospital launched an action plan to expand services and improve patient reception, with the facility receiving the award for best hospital in the country in 2025.

In Kenya, our research with the Mathare Education Taskforce documented the absence of public schools and the expansion of private provision, evidencing impacts on households and caregivers and strengthening demands for free, quality public education. This work contributed to stronger community agency and collective organisation, alongside ongoing strategies ranging from communications to litigation to secure a public school in the area, some involving GI-ESCR and others led independently.

Across Africa, this work is complemented by a multi-country study examining the human rights implications of austerity in education and health, including how regressive fiscal policies, rising debt burdens and persistent underinvestment undermine the financing and delivery of public services.

In Latin America, from 29 November to 2 December 2021, over a thousand representatives from over one hundred countries, from grassroots movements, advocacy, human rights, and development organisations, feminist movements, trade unions, and other civil society organisations, met in Santiago, Chile, and virtually, to discuss the critical role of public services for our future. Following the meeting, the Santiago Declaration on Public Services was adopted to demand universal access to quality, gender-transformative and equitable public services as the foundation of a fair and just society.

We are currently advancing work on care systems, linking public services and fiscal justice through integrated research, advocacy and communications, including a regional campaign framing care as a collective responsibility requiring sustained public investment.

What's next?

In Ivory Coast, we will evaluate and strengthen the complaints management committee and position it as a replicable model for other health facilities. In Kenya, we will support the Mathare community to co-design a model public school for Mabatini and Ngei wards, grounded in human rights standards. Building on our multi-country austerity study, we will drive national advocacy on financing for education and health: advancing reforms in Ghana; launching a fiscal policy and public services financing agenda in Kenya through the CESCR process and targeted coalition work; and, in Nigeria, using the new tax acts in force since 1 January 2026 to catalyse a national accountability campaign for adequately funded, quality public services. In Latin America, we will amplify locally led care pilots across 8 countries and turn lessons into influence—advancing care policies that strengthen care organisations, protect care workers’ rights, support unpaid caregivers, include disability and family networks, and redistribute care more equitably.